Lecture 27: The Dictatorships of Sulla and Caesar and the Augustan
Settlement
The policies
of three leaders adequately express the evolving solution to the failure of the
Roman Republican form of government. Two leaders, L. Cornelius Sulla and C.
Julius Caesar, received the mandate as Dictator
Rei Publicae Constituendae (Dictator for purposes of restoring
the republic) to reform the republican government. A third leader, C. Octavius,
the great grandnephew of Caesar adopted ex testimento and hence known as
Octavian, ultimately crafted the solution to become known as the Principate.
I.
Dictatorship
of Sulla (82-79 BC)
Sulla demanded
and received the dictatorship after retaking Rome through violent civil war (82-79 BC).
Opportunistic and uncaring about any legitimate grievances on the part of his
opponents, he employed coldly simplistic logic to restore order to the state.
He attempted to restore the authority of the Senate and the curule magistrates
at the expense of the political organs of the Plebeian Assembly. As dictator he
prohibited the veto and legislative power of the tribunes, abolished the
Plebeian Assembly, and made the office of tribune a dead-end by prohibiting its
holders from seeking election to all other offices. He buttressed the Senate
meanwhile by adlecting hundreds of his supporters to its membership and by
strengthening their financial resources through participation in his public
auctions.
For his
opponents in the civil war he engaged in a scorched-earth policy. Outside
Rome, he
expelled opposing communities from their lands and imposed neighboring garrison
colonies of his soldiers to monitor their behavior. He proscribed thousands of his opponents
(including 40 Roman senators and several hundred Roman Knights), posting their
names on wanted lists throughout Italy with a price on their heads.
Their properties were seized and the civil rights of themselves and their
families were abolished. Confiscated lands were then auctioned off to his
followers at reduced prices, essentially serving as blood money that tied their
fortunes to the survival of his "settlement."
He also
settled 23 legions, on paper some 138,000 veterans but probably closer to half
that number, on land seized from opponents. He thus became the first commander
of a private army to follow through on promises to settle his troops on public
land.
The antagonism
to his settlement was not surprising. Thousands reportedly fled to seek asylum
with the renegade Roman general, Q. Sertorius, in Spain (78-72 BC). A rebellion in Italy, led by
the duly elected consul of 78, challenged the "Sullan aristocracy"
outside the walls of the city of Rome,
a few months after the dictator's demise. King Mithradates of Pontus, with
whom Sulla had come to terms in 84 BC in order to attend to the civil war back
in Italy,
continued to suborn adversaries such as the Cilician pirates (left undefeated
until 67). When order was at last "restored" by former Sullan
lieutenants, Pompey and Crassus, they abandoned Sulla's constitutional
"reforms" and encouraged the popular tribunes to challenge the
authority of the Senate and curule magistrates once again. Political confusion
persisted during the following two decades as a result.
The Sullan
Settlement proved to be no solution, therefore; it traded short-term intimidation
and restructuring for long-term animosity and confusion. Despite the undeniable
fact that in many respects Sulla merely responded to atrocities that his
enemies had committed against himself, it remains difficult to put a positive
spin on his solution. Sulla emerged as the first of several "evil
geniuses" of the Late
Republic.
II.
Dictatorship of Caesar, 46-44 BC.
Julius Caesar
was faced with a quite different predicament when he refused to abandon his
Gallic command as directed by the Senate in 49 BC. Instead, he left his
province and crossed the Rubicon
River to initiate the
second Civil War (48-46 BC). Caesar had attained his provincial command through
the support of Pompey and Crassus, when he forged the First Triumvirate and
attaining the consulship in 59 BC. He used occasionally violent and technically
illegal procedures to secure legislation to satisfy his allies. In exchange he
received a 5-year "extraordinary command" to the provinces of Cis-
and Transalpine Gaul (later renewed for 5 additional
years). With an army of 30,000 he conquered and pacified a native population n
excess of 1 million, conquering the regions of modern France and the Low Countries, carrying Roman legionary banners to the
shores of Britain,
and establishing himself as one of Rome's
most successful generals. Through bribery and political manipulation he secured
the right to seek a second consulship in absentia, in order to avoid having to
return to Rome
in 50 BC. (Had he put down his imperium to reenter the city to seek
office, he would have faced numerous judicial indictments for his behavior
previously as consul, thus blocking his bid for reelection).
However,
following the death of Crassus in 53, Pompey formed an alliance with leading
oligarchs against Caesar, resulting in the decision to rescind not only
Caesar's legal right to stand for office in absentia, but his command over the
two provinces of Gaul as well. The oligarchy
insisted that he put down his armies and return to Rome as a private citizen, where he would
most certainly be prosecuted, convicted, and forcibly exiled. To make matters
worse, Pompey, who had married Caesar's daughter, Julia, to seal the pact of
the First Triumvirate (the surprising love affair was cut off tragically by her
death during childbirth in 54), was now cooperating with the oligarchy,
determined to see Caesar's influenced reduced to an inferior level.
Caerar
therefore embarked on the path of civil war. Unlike Sulla, however, he sought
to isolate his opponents and to allow all others to retire from the conflict.
Despite warnings by the oligarchs that Caesar's invasion would spell
proscriptions, debt annulments, and seizures of property, he announced his
policy of clementia. Anyone found fighting against him, but
willing to surrender, would be allowed to return to his home unharmed. Caesar
pointedly allowed some of his most inveterate enemies the chance to escape
capture in battle, many of whom quickly returned to the armies arrayed against
him. Most people, however, were unable to discern the difference between Caesar
and the leaders who opposed him, including Pompey and the stalwart Republican,
M. Porcius Cato the Younger. Most people withdrew to their homes, thus enabling
Caesar to isolate his most diehard opponents. Throughout the conflict he
maintained a posture of exerting every conceivable effort to negotiate a
peaceful solution, all the while maintaining the appearance of a duly elected,
properly functioning government. After defeating Pompey at the Battle of
Pharsalus, establishing Cleopatra to the Ptolemaic throne of Egypt, defeating
King Pharnabazus in Pontus, and Cato the Younger at the Batle of Thapsus in
North Africa, Caesar returned to Rome in 46 BC to celebrate 4 triumphs (Gaul,
Egypt, Asia, and Africa) and to assume a 10-year grant of dictatorship for the
purpose of restoring the republic. Whatever his ultimate intentions, he
shrouded them with the appearance of a restoration of Republican political
institutions, seeing to the election of magistrates, enabling young aristocrats
to strike coins exhibiting the heraldic badges of their families.
In 45 BC his
program of political restoration and good will toward his former adversaries
was interrupted by an undeniable rebellion in Spain, fomented and commanded by
the two sons of his former father-in-law and erstwhile friend, Cn. Pompey. To
make matters worse, Caesar learned that several prominent Pompeians to whom he
had formerly extended his clementia,
were now enlisting with the forces of Pompey's sons in Spain. Caesar
had no choice but to suspend his plans for Roman renewal and to assume the
command of the army to suppress the rebellion in Spain.
One
interpretation holds that at this point Caesar recognized that his surviving
opponents would never agree to cooperate with him in restoring the republic and
thus pursued an autocratic course that he might not have chosen otherwise.
Another insists that he never did deliberately pursue an autocratic course, but
rather was pushed in that direction by followers who hoped to gain inordinate
power by acting as the subordinates to a newly ensconced Roman king. A third
view insists, however, that Caesar had pursued absolute power from the outset,
supposedly remarking in 45 BC when reminded that Sulla had put down his
dictatorship to allow the republican government to function, that Sulla did not
know his "A, B, Cs" about politics.
Whatever the
motivation, once returned from Spain Caesar embarked on a highly orchestrated program
to establish himself as the supreme authority in the Roman state. The popular
assembly heaped honors on him bearing questionable legal authority, such as his
right to use Imperator, triumphing Roman general, as his first name, the award
of tribunician potestas for life, the right to place his statues
in all the temples to the gods, and the right to conduct a formal cult in
reverence of the "genius" that warded over his person (with his
follower Mark Antony acting as chief priest to the cult). He doubled the size
of the senate and peremptorily ran elections not only for the coming year, but
for 5 years in advance, because he planned to leave Rome again to conduct a long term campaign
against the Parthian empire in central Asia.
In late January 44 BC he struck a sizable issue of coins that declared him DICTATOR IN PERPETUO (dictator for life).
In mid-February he or his followers staged an event during the foot race of the
Lupercalia in which Mark Antony suddenly approached him with a diadem, the
crown worn by Hellenistic Kings in the East and attempted to place it on his
head. The negative reaction of the crowd present convinced Caesar to push the
crown away. Seated in his newly constructed temple of Venus Genetrix
(Venus the mother of his family), he refused to rise to greet members of the
Senate when they approached him to offer up yet another honor. For the
oligarchs his intentions now seemed clear -- he was attempting to establish
himself as King of Rome in everything except the name King, or Rex, itself. To
make matters worse, he had invited his mistress, Cleopatra,
the Ptolemaic queen of Egypt to come reside at his villa across the Tiber River
from the city. She brought with her an infant son whom she named Caesarion,
"Little Caesar," in honor of his father.
Just prior to
Caesar's departure for his Parthian campaign, on the Ides of March, 44 BC, he
was assassinated by some 67 senators at a senate meeting convened in Pompey's Temple of Venus, beneath the statue of Pompey the
Great himself. His assassins included not only the likes of M. Brutus, whom
Caesar had elevated to the rank of consul despite having fought against him
during the Civil War, but several of his own most loyal officers, including
Dec. Iunius Brutus Albinus, who had loyally served Caesar since the outset of
his Gallic command in 58 BC. Caesar had obviously miscalculated the willingness
of the oligarchy, including those who had supported his career, to yield power
to rule by one man. There were still too many aristocrats alive who longed for
their own chance to become Caesar.
III. The Augustan Settlement
Another decade of violence
was required before a solution was achieved. After Octavian managed
successfully to defeat Caesar's assassins in 41 BC, and then to dispatch his
Caesarian rivals, Mark Antony and Cleopatra, in 31, he stood undefeated and
supreme throughout the Roman Mediterranean world. He had received his power
through formal grants of imperium as member of a "second"
triumvirate from the Roman assembly, and had behaved largely as a warlord
throughout the decade. To secure his place in Italy he resorted to Sulla's
methods of restoring order, utilizing proscriptions and confiscations of
property to put Caesar's veterans on land. Once defeating Antony and Cleopatra, he seized Egypt as his
own private domain, to be governed by personal attendants so that he could
harness its resources to feed the burgeoning population of Rome.
He then returned to Italy to
renounce his authority. He proclaimed that all he had done as triumvir he had
done illegally, but out of necessity to bring back republican rule. Now that he
had accomplished this, he asked to be allowed to return to private life to live
the life of an ordinary Roman citizen. The thought of enduring further conflict
and confusion was unbearable even to the aristocracy, however, and through a
deliberate and careful process of negotiation; a solution to the political
question was achieved.
In much the same manner as
Caesar, Octavian saw numerous titles and honors voted to him by the Roman
Senate and People. However, unlike Caesar, he was careful about which ones he
accepted, paying careful attention to perceptions and sensitivities at large
among the aristocracy. Avoiding all titles that conveyed the aura of military
or autocratic authority, he selected instead those that conveyed a sense of
peace, prosperity, and civic duty.
The Roman people awarded
him the title of Princeps, or First citizen of Rome. This was purely an honorific title with
no legally constituted authority; however, it set him apart in Roman society as
the leading citizen of his times. And who other than Rome's most distinguished citizen could the
body politic count on to run the affairs of state? As a result of his elevated
position in society he received 10 year grants of consular imperium over
all provinces (more than 15) where Roman armies were garrisoned, as well as
5-year grants of tribunician power. As proconsul in charge of the military
provinces of the empire, he maintained his control over the roman legions, and
assumed responsibility for their recruitment, maintenance in the field, and
discharge with bounties at the end of service. As one of the 10 tribunes he
could use his veto power to block political activity he opposed as well as to
pass legislation and to offer his auxilium to Roman citizens on appeal.
Octavian learned early on
to do more with less: the authority vested in these two appointments
essentially gave him all the authority he needed to run the city and the
provinces. Consequently, he avoided the consulship, in order to enable
aristocrats to rise through the cursus honorum as before and to make
themselves eligible to serve as commanders of his provincial armies (his
provincial appointments, called imperial legates, required consular rank in the
Senate). He also accepted the title "Augustus", meaning "well
augured", or that when the sacrifices for his rule had been taken, the
omens were "auspicious" or positive for the future. Henceforth, he
became known as the Princeps, Caesar Augustus; in none of these terms
could the odious implications of Dictator, Imperator, or Rex be discerned.
Augustus carefully covered his tracks with the appearances of power sharing
with the Roman Senate and People. The more cynical aristocrats could refuse to
recognize the character of his authority, seek office, hold commands in
non-military provinces and continue to participate as independent senators in
the Senate. But if an aristocrat wished to enjoy a customary career and to
command Roman legions, he had to become an "organizational man" and
work within the system of rewards and promotions constructed by Augustus. By
assuming sole responsibility for the army,
Augustus finally brought
accountability to Roman provincial rule. Civil wars, military requisitions, and
tax abuses in the provinces ceased. The Roman Mediterranean world emerged from
the chaos of the late Republic to experience 2 centuries of unprecedented peace
and prosperity. Augusts accomplished this success not only by exerting his
authority on the Roman oligarchy, but by working diligently to make himself
beloved by senators and commoners alike. He worked crowds with tremendous
energy, glad-handing people throughout the city, looking after individual
senators and their families, spending lavishly on construction, festivals, and
games for the Roman population. He tried to set the example of a model citizen
and paterfamilias, dressing simply, seen often in the streets dressed in a
simple tunic with a broad straw hat to shield him from the sun. He remained
remarkably approachable to any and everyone and established himself as a
beloved, avuncular authority throughout the Senate and the city of Rome. By the end of his
career (27 BC - 14 AD), few alive could remember the bad days of the Late Republic,
let alone his own violent role in proscriptions and civil wars. Most knew him
only as a kindly old man who gave his all to secure Roman peace and prosperity.
Augustus succeeded where Sulla and Caesar failed, therefore, by dint of his own
personal behavior. The Roman Principate worked because he made it work,
and by doing so he laid the foundation for the most stable era the
Mediterranean world had ever known.