Illustration
by Peter Butler
Gender Relations and Sexual Behavior in
Ancient Greece
Along with intellectual accomplishments those of
creature comforts represent a second significant benchmark for Greek
civilization. By the end of the Hellenistic era Greek or Greco-Roman households
attained a standard of comfort and permanence which was unsurpassed until
modern times. Solid insulated walls, ceramic roofs, paved floors, interior
kitchens, cisterns, and sewerage disposal all made living more tolerable. Every
facet of household sanitation and food preparation was done by hand, however,
and required significant hours of human labor energy to complete. The evidence
indicates that the primary labor contributions to these endeavors, most
particularly in the maintenance and development of domestic quarters in Greek
society, were performed by women. We
begin the discussion of Greek gender relations, therefore, by contemplating the
built environment where Greek women were likely to have spent most of their
time.
The Design of the Greek House
As
an example of the Greek domicile we turn to the late Hellenistic settlement on
the island of Delos, where numerous sumptuous houses were constructed by
prosperous merchants at the end of the second century BC. The site has
undergone archaeological excavation by the French School in Athens almost
non-stop since 1876. Hellenistic Greek houses were typically centered on an
internal peristyle court, with rooms opening onto and arranged in rectangular fashion
around this. One such house, the House
of the Herms, excavated in 1949-1950, stands on the low heights above
the island’s harbor. Its builders designed the house to exploit the slope's
uneven terrain to full advantage. At the lower level of the house stood a
massive double-story peristyle courtyard, with the characteristic complement of
a large dining room (oecus maior) and
adjoining service rooms on its northern side. In the southeast corner of the
court two stairways allowed access to a second floor. The ground-floor rooms
were sumptuously decorated and surviving fragments of mosaic and wall painting
from the second floor indicate that the interior decor at this level was
equally refined. While the front section of the house rose no higher, the architects
added a split-level addition to the building’s south side, ascending two
additional stories up the hill directly behind. From the second floor peristyle
one reached the upper level of the house via a long flight of stairs. In
addition to the usual complement of service and storage rooms, one large open
room on the third floor displayed niches where the bust of an archaized Hermes
was discovered to lend the domicile its name.
Continuing up another short flight of stairs, one arrived at a landing
or vestibule situated between the third and fourth floors. From here access could be gained to different
parts of the fourth floor (via two short flights of stairs), as well as to the
exterior door at the upper southeast corner of the house.
The Peristyle of the House of the Herms
Viewed from the Upper Landing
The
sophisticated terrace design of the House of the Herms rendered it one of the
largest, most well-conceived and solidly constructed houses on the island.
Several of its elements were arranged with breathtaking splendor. From the
third-floor landing, for example, an arriving visitor could have gazed directly
down the flights of stairs (deliberately kept steep and aligned), through the
south portico of the second story directly into the dining room on the ground
floor, where a magnificent sculptural group by the celebrated fourth century BC
artist, Praxiteles, would have caught the eye. The proprietors of the House of
the Herms had it lavishly decorated with statuary. Besides the museum quality piece
by Praxiteles and a recovered Satyr head in the dining room, the ground-floor
courtyard revealed a marble herm, a marble cult table, a statue of Artemis and,
in the niche at the southwest corner of the court, a nymphaeum complete with a
statue of a nymph and an adjoining grotto.
Additional
elements further demonstrate the degree of well-conceived planning that went
into the House of the Herms. Beneath the paved floor of the courtyard was a
deep cistern where the inhabitants would store rain water that was channeled by
gutters along the roof of the peristyle to the corners of the court below. A
marble sculpted wellhead enabled them to draw water from this storage facility.
Facilities for household sanitation remained relatively primitive. Pitchers and
amphoras would have been used to draw water from the
cistern and to carry it to areas of the house such as the kitchen and bathroom.
The toilet facilities, a simple wooden toilet seat set over a channel in a room
beside the main entrance to the house enabled the occupants to flush waste
materials outside to a covered sewer channel beneath the narrow street in
front. Although the dining room was paved with a mosaic floor, the floors of
the other ground-floor rooms consisted of simple pounded earth and those of the
upper floors of wooden planking. Undoubtedly, exposed floors were covered by
rugs, possibly woven by the women of the household. Tapestries are likely to
have decorated various walls as well, furnishing both aesthetically pleasing
interior decor and insulation to reduce draft during the damp, cold months of
winter. Lamps were required to illuminate rooms at night, made doubly dark on
the ground floor by the absence of windows. Greek houses were designed to
exploit the brilliant sunshine of the long Mediterranean summers. With thick
walls of hand-hewn stone sealed with dried earth and plastered with stucco on
both the exterior and interior faces, the house walls repelled the heat of the
sun during the day by allowing only indirect light to penetrate interior rooms
via the internal courtyard. During winter the occupants would keep doorways to
interior rooms closed and rely on lamps and small charcoal braziers to fend off
the cold. These instruments would have left a sooty residue on the walls and
ceiling that required periodic cleaning. Evidence from other houses indicates
that potted vines likely stood in the corners of the interior court,
deliberately trained to climb the columns all the way to the second floor roof.
Domestic plants and animals (pets) added a warm and cheerful natural setting to
contrast with the noise of passers by outside. In sumptuous houses such as
this, netting may have covered the open roof of the courtyard to create a
closed aviary for exotic birds. Despite the technological limitations of its
household systems of sanitation, water, and heat, in other words, the closed
environment of this house would have been comfortable, serene, and inviting.
Quantities of human labor hours were required to create this environment, not
to mention those needed to perform the basic necessities of cooking, cleaning,
and maintenance.
Households
such as the House of the Herms represented built environments where Greek
females worked to create safe, attractive homes to raise their children and to
enjoy their lives. The remains of domestic quarters such as the House of the
Herms furnish us with a concrete foundation from which to assess the character
of gender relations and sexual behavior in ancient Greek society. In an earlier
chapter we attempted to outline a paradigm for the status of women in Bronze
Age Mesopotamia and the ancient world in general. As with so many other aspects
of the Greek experience, the surviving literature for Greek gender relations
furnishes greater detail on these matters. The literary record demonstrates
many patterns that were similar to behavior elsewhere but other aspects that
appear to have been unique. By and large, Greek society exhibited the
all-too-common dominance of patriarchal hierarchy. Due to the ascendancy of hoplite
aristocracies in Greek city states, male society possibly displayed a more
overt double standard than that found elsewhere. The elite caste of freeborn,
landholding, citizen-soldier-warriors tended not only to dominate the narrative
of Greek history but also to impose its norms on all subordinate elements of
the population. That is why
consideration of the material remains of the Greek household becomes useful.
More than any evidence furnished by extant literary sources the remains of
Greek households furnish the most reliable data about the day-to-day existence
of Greek females.
Patterns
of Male Bonding at the Greek Symposium
Houses
such as the House of the Herms were also the setting of the Greek male drinking
party or symposium. Symposia occurred during festivals that coincided
with Greek religious events approximately once a month. During these
celebrations the Greek polis would suspend all public work, and men would
congregate in taverns and private houses to drink, to converse, and to amuse
themselves. Symposia were intended to promote patterns of male bonding that
formed the underpinnings of Greek hoplite society. Sustained bonds of family
unity, school-age camaraderie, shared political and military experiences, and
repeated instances of personal loyalty helped male members of the Greek polis
to forge bonds of collective identity. These frequently determined the outcome
of military conflicts as well as political contests. Even the least advantaged
citizens found ways to celebrate symposia typically by arranging potluck
dinners that would rotate, month by month, among the households of the
associated participants. Popular figures like Themistocles, Aristophanes,
Alcibiades, or Socrates, were expected to make the rounds of dozens of symposia
during the festival season, dropping in on one dinner party after another in an
ancient form of table hopping. In a word, the symposium was arguably the most
central social practice to the formation of cultural identity in the Greek
polis.
Among
the most striking vestiges of the bonding process of the symposium are its
associated drinking cups, the kantharos, the kylix,
and the skyphos,
that were employed during the ceremonies. Not only were the forms themselves
emblematic of communal drinking -- in the case of the kylix the form was difficult to handle in an inebriated state, and,
thus, entailed a high likelihood of spillage to heighten the frivolity -- but
they were frequently painted with scenes depicting glimpses of riotous
activities that unfolded during the symposium itself. This only stands to
reason. The one hundred or so artists who decorated the tens of thousands of
Attic Red Figure forms that survive to this day undoubtedly drew their subject
material from scenes personally witnessed at symposia. Moreover, the frequency
which such scenes recur on the surviving cups indicates that these were the
decorative motifs that were most in demand. Assuming this to be correct, we
need to recognize that the scenes depicted on Greek drinking cups sometimes
portray disturbing instances of graphic sexual behavior. Portrayed on the
interior floors and exterior walls of Greek kylikes were provocative scenes
of sexual encounters, including chains of nude male figures engaged in
simultaneous homosexual relations, scenes of romantic love between older males
and young boys, hedonistic instances of group sex involving men and women, even
violent scenes displaying examples of men simultaneously beating women with
sandals while engaged with them in intercourse. The vase paintings raise
significant questions about the character of Greek sexual relations that are
difficult to interpret given the fragmentary, uneven, and largely anecdotal
character of the evidence. Demographic statistics capable of demonstrating the
relative tendencies of the sexual behavior portrayed in Attic Red Figure vase
painting simply do not exist. The best we can do is to utilize the available
information to identify the widest possible range of sexual behavior in Greek
society while recognizing that the behavioral pattern of most inhabitants fell
somewhere in between. Repeatedly we find ourselves confronted by the following
question: was the behavior represented on the vases or in the textual source
literature "closet behavior" of a privileged and limited aristocratic
elite, or was it something symptomatic of mainstream society?
Greek
Sexuality and Gender Relations
A
useful presentation of this question has been framed by Eva Keuls
in her book, The Reign of the Phallus. Put baldly, Keuls
claims that ancient Greek men were pigs. As the dominant element in society
Greek males imposed their will on all beneath them, including women, both free
and slave, children, male and female, and other men, through domineering
homosexual relationships associated with symposia. It was almost as if the
hoplite warrior element exerted its authority sexually as one of several ways
to demonstrate its virility, thereby objectifying all subordinate elements of
society. However, it is equally possible to view this development within the
context of broader social mores and patterns of childhood development. First,
we need to recognize that the purpose of marriage in Greek society was to
generate the necessary conditions for the maintenance of the Greek household. This
included not only the procreation of children necessary to sustain the family
line, but equally and perhaps more importantly, it entailed the handing down of
a given family’s assets from one generation to the next. All marriages were
arranged by parents, usually neighbors or interrelated aristocratic families,
at the time when prospective spouses were still children.
To
insure the sanctity of the marriage relationship and the purity of the family
line, freeborn Greek children
underwent a highly restricted, segregated upbringing, at least insofar as
sexual interaction with the opposing gender was concerned. Within the social
stratum of freeborn landholding citizen elites, young people of opposite
genders remained rigidly segregated. As with other ancient cultures, the
freeborn daughters of respectable landholding families entered into
contractually arranged marriages with males from neighboring families for
purposes of procreation and to maintain the economic foundations of both
families. Dowries and gifts of land parcels accompanied the coming of age in
Greek society. Religious taboos, such as the need to produce a male heir to
preserve the ancestor cult, added the additional requirement that the Greek
bride be a virgin at the time of her marriage. Typically, young freeborn
females of respectable society would experience no sexual experimentation, no
dating as we know it, prior to marriage. They would be kept carefully
cloistered in the private recesses of the family household and even more
carefully chaperoned in public. They were generally required after puberty to
hide their features whenever they were in public, donning costumes similar to
those worn by females in contemporary Islamic society. Virginity prior to
marriage was a requirement of the marriage contract, and chastity and modesty
after marriage were norms not only expected of, but imposed on respectable
Greek females. Married women were expected to maintain the household, to spin
and weave clothing for the family (as well as for retail sale), to direct
household servants, to attend to the highly demanding tasks of cooking,
cleaning, and domestic hygiene, not to mention, the raising of the family's
young. In view of the limited technologies available for these tasks the number
of laboring hours devoted to them was considerable. These requirements
inevitably induced families to arrange marriages for female children early on
in life. On the whole, young freeborn women of property holding families would
be married as soon as they reached puberty to begin the process of child
bearing and to maintain the domestic quarters of the newly formed family.
Respectable
freeborn males, however, were pressured by peers, by the nature of male
hormonal development (which peaks early on in life), and by high mortality
rates to engage in sexual experimentation early in life. Dating with freeborn
females of respectable property-holding families was out of the question. The
male's decision to marry was determined by the availability of property assets
necessary to sustain a family. Normally, this occurred through inheritance, for
example, when the eldest surviving male of the family died and the estate was
divided among his sons and grandsons. Sometimes Greek males would have to wait
until fairly advanced in age before he acquired his portion of the family
patrimony. Accordingly, marriage patterns in Greek citizen communities
tended to combine extremely young females (early teens) with mature adult males
(20s-30s). Prior to sexual relations by marriage, Greek males resorted to
alternative outlets of sexual activity. Given the inordinate length of
bachelorhood in ancient Greek society, a man’s reliance on these outlets tended
to develop into habits that carried over into married life. These outlets
included household servants, professional courtesans, and homosexual
relationships.
TABLE OF SEXUAL PATTERNS IN GREEK
SOCIETY
Homosexual relationships |
hetairai |
aristocratic male |
aristocratic female |
Household servants |
gymnasium; pederasty;
freeborn male and female adolescents rigidly segregated |
Older, more attractive,
more sophisticated women; of slave or foreign origin; upwardly mobile |
marries when he
comes into inheritance; attends all male symposia during festivals |
Marries at puberty;
freeborn citizen class; valued for her matronly virtues |
Inexpensive; subordinate
and vulnerable |
Continues after marriage |
Continues after marriage |
Tendency to exploit all three options |
Runs household, raises
children |
two recorded instances
of murder |
Those males who could afford the
expense purchased the services of prostitutes, particularly highly gifted,
attractive, oftentimes articulate hetairai. Typically of slave or foreign origin,
hetairai
were highly educated, expensive call women, the ancient Greek equivalent to
Japanese geisha women or medieval European courtesans. They were frequently
trained by pimps in music, dance, and poetry to entertain men at the symposia.
In other words, they furnished entertainment and sophisticated conversation as
well as sexual favors; they appealed to the minds of their male clients as well
as to their sexual desires. In addition, hetairai tended to be more
sophisticated and more mature than freeborn wives and competed for the
affections of adult Greek males. Nonetheless, they remained recognized socially
as unchaste or "beyond the pale." A Greek male could never be seen
publicly in daylight with his mistress, for example. For a slave or foreign
born hetaira
to attend a public ceremony would amount to sacrilege, whereas, as
representatives of respectable citizen class families Greek wives participated
actively in public activities such as religious ceremonies and festivals that
focused on female deities. Hetairai were also extremely expensive and were notorious
for their tendency to exploit their lovers financially before their attraction
wore off. One suspects that for the most part few other than aristocrats could
afford the company of these extremely expensive women, though perhaps part of
the logic to the symposium was to render hetairai available to ordinary
male citizens through shared, potluck expenditure. Although Greek male
experience with hetairai
would begin prior to marriage, the character of these relations was such that
the male's participation in sex-laboring culture would continue long afterward.
The host of a Greek symposium was expected, for example, to recruit hetairai and
young flute girls to entertain his guests during the banquet. As we have seen,
entertainers such as these were frequently portrayed in the vase painting of
the symposia. At least three Greek writers wrote books recording the lives of
celebrated hetairai
and their lovers; the fragments of these works, preserved in Athenaeus’ Deipnosophistae,
indicate that nearly every famous Athenian politician, sculptor, dramatist, and
philosopher possessed a courtesan mistress at some point in his career. These
relationships were simply that commonplace, hence, the centrality of this
figure in Greek society and her potentially destabilizing influence on Greek
family life. It is important to recognize as well that for women originating
from non-respectable, impoverished families and / or slave origins, life as a hetaira offered
the only potential avenue for upward social mobility. One could go from being
an abandoned fondling collected by a pimp in the streets to becoming, like Aspasia
of Miletos, the mistress and eventually the wife
of one of the leading political figures of the day, namely, Pericles. The
potential of these women to influence the political decisions of their lovers
angered freeborn elements of society, particularly since any and all female
involvement in politics was regarded with distaste.
Greek males similarly
exploited the availability of female servants (slaves) in their households. One
problem with courtesan relations was their high cost. Sexual exploitation of
female servants directly under one's household control was a far cheaper
alternative. The tendency of freeborn Greek males to exploit household servants
for sexual gratification would appear to have been relatively commonplace.
Greek sources (speeches that survive in the Demosthenic
corpus) preserve two instances of Athenian adult males who were murdered by the
female members of their households. In each instance the man was allegedly
dispatched by his wife and her servants due to his unrestrained sexual
exploitation of everyone concerned.
Pederastic homosexual relationships were also encouraged to some
degree by the social elite of the ancient Greek polis. These relationships
occurred very early in life as Greek males participated in the athletic regimen
and education of the gymnasium.
Here in this enclosed, semi-private environment, adult Greek males tended to
exploit younger males for sexual favors and emotional relationships. Since
young males had no monetary resources, could not afford hetairai, or other, more common forms of prostitution, and could not expect
to date respectable females in any manner whatsoever, their outlets for sexual
experimentation were inevitably restricted to relations with household
servants, if available, and to other males. Evidence of fairly elaborate
courting rituals among older Greek males and their younger lovers indicate the
likely commonplace character of these relationships. A meticulous etiquette
evolved establishing norms of behavior within these relationships, which sexual
activities were deemed acceptable and which were debased or degrading, for
example. For some, homosexual relations possibly served as a rite of passage,
something experienced in lieu of heterosexual dating until such time as
marriage or dating with hetairai
became feasible. Others clearly continued with this behavior after marriage,
oftentimes in combination with the exploitation of hetairai. This would seem to
indicate that wider Greek male society was not so much homosexually inclined as
it was bisexual. At the extreme end of the spectrum stood the elite fighting
forces, such as the Spartan cadet corps at the phiditia
or the Theban Sacred Band of 600 elite warriors. Among these groups homosexual
relations were openly encouraged as a means to reinforce the intense levels of
emotional bonding that were believed necessary to sustain military ardor on the
battlefield. A seemingly ascetic quality was assigned to this lifestyle by
wider society, given that it was admired and emulated by military elites
throughout the Greek world. This in turn places emphasis on the centrality of
the military experience, what is referred to here as the "hoplite
mystique," in Greek sexual mores.
Modern students invariably
question how young Greek males who were not homosexually inclined could be
drawn into pederastic relationships in the first
place. There is some evidence that ancient Greek families worried similarly;
many attempted to protect their sons from these relationships, going so far as
to assign slaves known as pedagogues to chaperone their sons’
trips to and from the gymnasium. To some degree, one can argue that the
dominant role played by the warrior-hoplite in all Greek societies enabled them
to impose their norms on their respective societies and to serve as the models
of male cultural behavior. Given the degree to which young Greek males aspired
to emulate these role models, they would have been hard pressed to view
activities such as pederasty and prostitution in a negative light. In addition,
the prevalence of homosexual and bisexual orientation generally in human societies
all too often gets ignored in this context. Modern research has demonstrated
that tendencies of homosexual
or bisexual orientation are far more commonplace than generally
recognized. Surveys conducted over many decades by the Kinsey
Institute reveal that 37% of American adult males had achieved orgasm through contact with another male, and that 13% of American
adult females had achieved orgasm through contact with another female. On
average some 6 to 10% of U. S. urban populations profess to homosexual or bisexual orientations. Since most of this research is based on less reliable
forms of sampling, scholars assume that these numbers and percentages are in
fact underreported. In other words, experimentation with and life-long pursuit
of homosexual and bisexual orientations are far more commonplace in modern
society than is generally recognized. It is entirely likely that the
percentages of homosexual
and bisexual orientation in ancient Greece were similar, therefore, and that the inhabitants of Greek polis communities were simply
more open and tolerant of this behavior than contemporary Americans. Based on
the Kinsey data we must also allow for the possibility that the percentages of
the ancient Greek population that pursued homosexual and bisexual orientations were relatively low and that the textual record is
therefore exaggerated.
Either way, the
inhabitants of ancient Greece appear to have been far more comfortable with
these tendencies than some elements of contemporary society, and it is worth
noting that the patriarchy of the Roman Republic expressed similar revulsion
for homosexuality -- despite evidence of its practice -- at Rome. Roman male sources also tend to display a greater
awareness for the role of females in society (however much chagrined to admit
it). Greek male writers rarely make mention of women, almost as if they were
invisible. Exceptions can always be forwarded -- arguably the greatest of all
lyric poets, Sappho of Lesbos, was a lesbian, and several Greek aristocratic
females, such as Elpinice, the sister of the Athenian
general Cimon, used the autonomy afforded by their high stations in society to
engage in sexually liberated lifestyles. Apart from these, however, we know far
more about the lives of Greek hetairai, including their professional names and the names
of their lovers, than we do about the long-suffering Greek matrons who
day-in-day-out managed Greek households and nurtured Greek families. This suggests that the Greek patriarchy was more tolerant of
alternative sexual orientations than its contemporaries.
Portrait of a young woman often identified as Sappho,
fresco, Pompeii, 1st c. AD; National Archeological Museum, Naples
In conclusion, it seems
wisest to return to the evidence furnished by the archaeological remains of the
Greek household as the best preserved testimony for the experience of ancient
Greek females -- the pots and pans, dinner plates, small braziers used for
cooking and heating, evidence of refined wall painting, richly woven textiles,
and serene gardens situated within the interior courtyards of Greek households.
These as well as the remains of children's toys and family pets combine to
furnish the most telling elements of their world. By creating and maintaining
tranquil domestic environments -- house by house, block by block -- across the
urban landscape, women worked to weave together the social fabric of ancient
Greece.